Birmingham, a former president of the Massachusetts Senate,
is a lifelong Democrat, and the Pioneer Institute is traditionally a haven for
Republicans, so the story was shot through with the cliché of the “strange
bedfellows.”
I was not much surprised by the news. Birmingham’s mind is extraordinarily
capacious and subtle.
“It was clear to me that we have a substantial area of
common ground on education issues that does not extend to a variety of other
issues where we have to agree to disagree,” Birmingham said of his relationship
with the institute in an interview with the State House News Service.
If Birmingham thought he could do something to elevate the
quality of public education in Massachusetts even a tiny notch or two by
joining the conservative scrum at the Pioneer Institute, he would not have
dithered over the offer.
The Pioneer Institute’s newest recruit is a decisive fellow,
indeed. Otherwise, he never would have
ended his Senate career at its apogee in 2002 to try to gain the Commonwealth’s
highest office.
It is worth considering that, if Birmingham’s gubernatorial
quest had succeeded, Mitt Romney’s two presidential campaigns would not have
happened, and the recent history of presidential politics would be quite
different from what it is.
Starting in 1990, Birmingham was in the Senate for 12
years. Kind of remarkably for modern
times, he was president of the Senate for half of the time he served there.
No doubt, Birmingham learned a great deal about legislating
from his patron and predecessor, Bill Bulger, but he obviously ignored the
lesson on longevity. Bulger’s presidency
lasted for 17 years.
For Birmingham in 2002, it was up or out. This is a philosophy more should adhere
to. The courage of it becomes a man.
In 2002, Birmingham was one of five Democrats who sought the
nomination for governor. The others were
State Treasurer Shannon O’Brien; Robert Reich, an academic and former U.S. Labor
Secretary; State Senator Warren Tolman; and Steve Grossman, a businessman and a
former chair of the national Democratic Party, (and, until early last month, our
state treasurer).
Birmingham came in third in the primary, fewer than 6,000
votes behind second-place finisher Reich, and far behind the winner,
O’Brien. If Reich had not been in the
race, I believe Birmingham could have taken the nomination from O’Brien.
Reich was the darling of the liberals that year. Had he not been in the race, most of Reich’s
votes would have gone to the next most liberal person in the race,
Birmingham. Reich’s vote total, 185,315,
added to Birmingham’s, 179,703, would have produced 365,018 votes, a number far
beyond O’Brien’s, 243,039.
O’Brien was a good candidate but ultimately did not match up
well against Romney. She had a big early
lead in the polls and faded at the end, losing by nearly five percentage
points.
Birmingham certainly would have had a tough time with
Romney, who looked on the surface more like a governor than he. And Romney would have bloodied Birmingham on
account of his status as a protégé of Bulger and a State House insider.
Yet Birmingham would have prevailed, in my opinion, because
(a) he’s Chelsea tough and can take a punch, (b) he is every bit as smart as Romney, if not
smarter, (c) he is much more knowledgeable about politicking and governing than
Romney, (d) he has the gift of being able to explain on the stump why a
principles-driven, activist government is better for the average person -- Birmingham’s
scarily articulate when worked up -- and --most important -- (e)
Birmingham’s genuine passion for action and leadership would have formed an
appealing contrast to Romney’s cool, superior, master-of-management style.
Romney wasn’t governor two years when it became obvious he
was mainly interested in the job because it could be a stepping stone to the
presidency. There’s nothing terribly
wrong or unusual with that. If wild
ambition were a hanging offense, we’d have to install a permanent gallows on
the grounds of every state capitol.
This may qualify as a stupendous delusion, but I’ll always
believe that the candidacy of Robert Reich, a liberal’s liberal, opened the
floodgates for the national ambitions of Mitt Romney, who presented himself
expediently as a “severe conservative” when he was actually a severe moderate,
an act of contortion that likely spelled the death of his oval office
dream.
The Pioneer Institute describes itself as an “independent,
non-partisan, privately funded research organization.” It says that its mission is “to improve the
quality of life in Massachusetts through civic discourse and intellectually
rigorous, data-driven public policy solutions based on free market principles,
individual liberty and responsibility, and the ideal of effective, limited and
accountable government.”
Birmingham will be good for the Pioneer Institute, and vice
versa.